Showing posts with label george w bush. Show all posts
Showing posts with label george w bush. Show all posts

Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Bush Vs Clinton Clinton Wins - So Romney says NO to Bush Support!

"We have had two great economic experiments in America over the last 30 years. One succeeded. The other failed -- in fact, it was a man-made disaster" Clinton Success and Bushes Failures.



Earlier this week -- as he was barnstorming the country for Barack Obama -- former President Bill Clinton subbed in for the president as Obama flew back to Washington to oversee the country's response to a major hurricane.
That would seem an appropriate context to ask the question, why hasn't the most recent Republican President, George Bush, been barnstorming the country for Mitt Romney?
It says a lot that for most Americans this sounds like an absurd question.
Clinton was a major featured speaker at the Democratic Convention. Bush wasn't even invited to Tampa.
Bush is not campaigning for Romney because he and the policies he implemented are politically radioactive to most American voters.
George Bush is off in political Siberia because the Romney campaign is doing everything humanly possible to prevent voters from realizing that Romney intends to return precisely those same failed Bush policies to the White House if he is elected president next week.
Let's start with the matter that is uppermost in the country's attention -- the hurricane.
It's fair to say that his response to Hurricane Katrina was not Bush's finest hour. But Bush's failure to respond quickly and effectively to Katrina was not simply a reflection of his administration's incompetence. It was a reflection of the fact that his administration didn't believe in government.
Natural disasters make people remember why it is so important that we have a society where we have each other's back. They make us remember that government is the name we give to the things we choose to do together.
Natural disasters like Hurricane Sandy make us remember why the law of the jungle -- why a self-centered, irresponsible, unbridled focus on you and you alone -- isn't what we learned in Sunday School.
Even far right New Jersey Governor Chris Christie reprimanded New Jersey citizens who refused to evacuate low-lying areas because they would put the lives of first responders at risk -- because they had a responsibility to each other.
Bush -- and his response to Katrina -- exemplified the right wing's failure to understand that most Americans believe in a society where we are all in this together, not all in this alone.
And Mitt Romney completely shares Bush's view. Romney actually proposed eliminating the Federal Emergency Management Administration (FEMA) and hand over responsibility for response to disasters to the states. Romney ignores that when disaster strikes, we are Americans first. We have each other's back whether we are from Mississippi or New Jersey. We do that because it's right. We also do it because while disaster may strike our neighbors in New Jersey today, it could strike those of us who live in Illinois tomorrow.
But of course there are many other reasons why the Republicans have failed to ask George Bush to campaign for their presidential ticket. Two stand out.
We have had two great economic experiments in America over the last 30 years. One succeeded. The other failed -- in fact, it was a man-made disaster.
The first was led by President Bill Clinton. Clinton believed that you grow the economy from the middle out -- not the top down. He understood that businesses don't invest and hire unless there are customers out there with money in their pockets -- that they are the "job creators" -- not a bunch of hedge fund managers on Wall Street.
Clinton proposed a federal budget that would eliminate the deficit mainly by calling on the wealthiest Americans to pay a little more in taxes -- and by investing in infrastructure and education to grow the economy. And Clinton forcefully defended programs like Medicare when Newt Gingrich wanted to cut them to give tax cuts to the rich.
When his budget was debated in Congress, Republicans predicted it would lead to massive job losses and recession.
The Republicans were dead wrong. Clinton presided over the most prosperous period in human history -- literally. On his watch the economy experienced robust growth and created 22 million new American jobs. Clinton eliminated the Federal deficit and left his successor with budget surpluses as far as the eye could see.
Then came George Bush. He cut taxes for the rich -- arguing that this would turbo-charge job growth and that the deficit would take care of itself. In fact, Bush's Vice President Dick Cheney -- a man who has also been noticeably absent from the campaign trail this fall -- famously said that "deficits don't matter."
The result: Bush left office having presided over the worst record of job growth since the Great Depression -- zero net private sector jobs created; that's right, zero.
Worse, his failure to regulate Wall Street set the stage for the worst financial collapse since the Great Depression, costing eight million Americans their jobs, wiping out 40 percent of many people's pensions, collapsing of the housing market, and causing the worst economic downturn in 60 years.
Bush's trickle-down tax policies not only failed to create economic growth -- they left the Federal Government saddled with more debt than all of the previous presidents had racked up since the beginning of the Republic. And remember, that debt load made it even harder for President Obama to clean up the economic mess once he came into office in 2009.
It's not surprising, then, that you don't see George Bush on the stump trying to convince Americans that Mitt Romney's economic policies will create a better life for the middle class. Of course he could step in for Mitt, he certainly knows the script -- in fact he wrote the script.
After all, Mitt Romney is promoting exactly the same economic policies that Bush used to create zero private sector jobs, crash the economy and run up the deficit just a few short years ago.
But there's more. You don't see George Bush campaigning for Romney because most Americans think his foreign policy was another man made catastrophe. Bush led us into two wars -- which by the way he paid for on the nation's credit card -- and alienated America from the rest of the world.
He intentionally lied about the rationale for the War in Iraq -- convincing the American people that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, when he had none. The War in Iraq cost thousands of American lives and left tens of thousands injured or disabled. Some economists think it may ultimately cost up to three trillion dollars to the American economy -- money that could instead have been spent building schools and roads and bridges and investing in jobs in the United States.
Bush's go-it-alone, bull in a china closet foreign policy alienated people around the world, stretched the American military and left America weaker. And the pictures of humiliation at Abu Ghraib -- his policies of torture and rendition and lack of respect for the rule of law -- created recruiting posters for our enemies.
Bush doesn't campaign for Romney because the Romney campaign has zero interest in focusing the attention of the voters on the fact Romney is surrounded by exactly the same gang of foreign policy advisers that presided over the War in Iraq. In addition they both share the same credentials: Both had zero foreign policy experience before they ran for president.
The fact is that if you liked the War in Iraq, you'll love the Romney foreign policy. So for the next six days, every time you hear about Bill Clinton campaigning for President Obama, let that be a reminder of the guy you won't see out their campaigning for Mitt Romney.
The choice is clear. If you liked the way things were going under George Bush, vote for Mitt Romney. But if you want long-term economic growth, if you believe in defending the middle class, if you don't want to go back to the policies of George Bush -- vote to reelect President Barack Obama.

Robert Creamer is a long-time political organizer and strategist, and author of the book: Stand Up Straight: How Progressives Can Win, 

Sunday, October 30, 2011

George Will Washington Post Column on Romney

Mitt Romney, the pretzel candidate

By George F. Will, Published: October 28

The Republican presidential dynamic — various candidates rise and recede; Mitt Romney remains at about 25 percent support — is peculiar because conservatives correctly believe that it is important to defeat Barack Obama but unimportant that Romney be president. This is not cognitive dissonance.

Obama, a floundering naif who thinks ATMs aggravate unemployment, is bewildered by a national tragedy of shattered dreams, decaying workforce skills and forgone wealth creation. Romney cannot enunciate a defensible, or even decipherable, ethanol policy.

Life poses difficult choices, but not about ethanol. Government subsidizes ethanol production, imposes tariffs to protect manufacturers of it and mandates the use of it — and it injures the nation’s and the world’s economic, environmental, and social (it raises food prices) well-being.

In May, in corn-growing Iowa, Romney said, “I support” — present tense — “the subsidy of ethanol.” And: “I believe ethanol is an important part of our energy solution for this country.” But in October he told Iowans he is “a business guy,” so as president he would review this bipartisan — the last Republican president was an ethanol enthusiast — folly. Romney said that he once favored (past tense) subsidies to get the ethanol industry “on its feet.” (In the 19th century, Republican “business guys” justified high tariffs for protecting “infant industries”). But Romney added, “I’ve indicated I didn’t think the subsidy had to go on forever.” Ethanol subsidies expire in December, but “I might have looked at more of a decline over time” because of “the importance of ethanol as a domestic fuel.” Besides, “ethanol is part of national security.” However, “I don’t want to say” I will propose new subsidies. Still, ethanol has “become an important source of amplifying our energy capacity.” Anyway, ethanol should “continue to have prospects of growing its share of” transportation fuels. Got it?

Every day, 10,000 baby boomers become eligible for Social Security and Medicare, from which they will receive, on average, $1 million of benefits ($550,000 from the former, $450,000 from the latter). Who expects difficult reforms from Romney, whose twists on ethanol make a policy pretzel?

A straddle is not a political philosophy; it is what you do when you do not have one. It is what Romney did when he said that using Troubled Assets Relief Program funds for the General Motors and Chrysler bailouts “was the wrong source for that funding.” Oh, so the source was the bailouts’ defect.

Last week in Ohio, Romney straddled the issue of the ballot initiative by which liberals and unions hope to repeal the law that Republican Gov. John Kasich got enacted to limit public employees’ collective bargaining rights. Kasich, like Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker, is under siege. Romney was asked, at a Republican phone bank rallying support for Kasich’s measure, to oppose repeal of it and to endorse another measure exempting Ohioans from Obamacare’s insurance mandate (a cousin of Romneycare’s Massachusetts mandate). He refused.

His campaign called his refusal principled: “Citizens of states should be able to make decisions . . . on their own.” Got it? People cannot make “their own” decisions if Romney expresses an opinion. His flinch from leadership looks ludicrous after his endorsement three months ago of a right-to-work bill that the New Hampshire legislature was considering. So, the rule in New England expires across the Appalachian Mountains?

A day after refusing to oppose repeal of Kasich’s measure, Romney waffled about his straddle, saying he opposed repeal “110 percent.” He did not, however, endorse the anti-mandate measure, remaining semi-faithful to the trans-Appalachian codicil pertaining to principles, thereby seeming to lack the courage of his absence of convictions.

Romney, supposedly the Republican most electable next November, is a recidivist reviser of his principles who is not only becoming less electable; he might damage GOP chances of capturing the Senate. Republican successes down the ticket will depend on the energies of the Tea Party and other conservatives, who will be deflated by a nominee whose blurry profile in caution communicates only calculated trimming.

Republicans may have found their Michael Dukakis, a technocratic Massachusetts governor who takes his bearings from “data” (although there is precious little to support Romney’s idea that in-state college tuition for children of illegal immigrants is a powerful magnet for such immigrants) and who believes elections should be about (in Dukakis’s words) “competence,” not “ideology.” But what would President Romney competently do when not pondering ethanol subsidies that he forthrightly says should stop sometime before “forever”? Has conservatism come so far, surmounting so many obstacles, to settle, at a moment of economic crisis, for this?

Saturday, October 10, 2009

Is the Nobel a 'down payment'?

"The Republican Party has thrown in its lot with the terrorists – the Taliban and Hamas this morning – in criticizing the president for receiving the Nobel Peace Prize," wrote DNC communications director Brad Woodhouse.

Is the Nobel a 'down payment'?

October 10, 2009

Mitch Potter

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U.S. President Barack Obama talks on the phone in the Oval Office in Washington, Friday, Oct. 9, 2009, before speaking about winning the Nobel Peace Prize in the Rose Garden.

THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

WASHINGTON–Apologies if you can't hear this. It is a bit noisy down here, what with the gales of unpleasant laughter drowning out Barack Obama's Nobel Peace Prize.

This White House must just hate Friday mornings. Last week, a big decision in Europe unexpectedly stripped Chicago of its Olympic dreams, exposing a red-faced Team Obama to a braying backlash.

And now, one Friday later, a big decision in Europe places the Nobel unexpectedly in the U.S. president's hands, exposing him to another fevered wave of domestic derision. Mocked for losing, mocked for winning – such is the incredible lightness of being Barack Obama, nine months along.

Don't get me wrong: As one who spent most of the Bush years boomeranging between Jerusalem, Baghdad, Kandahar and London, I can appreciate better than most the global motivations behind what amounts to the He's Not George Prize.

But as a resident of Washington today, I can't help but wonder whether a well-intentioned world realizes just how badly the domestic American worm is turning against this president.

And how unhelpful this latest global hug may prove, coming not simply prematurely but also from Europe, where this hopeful new era is not about to translate into so much as a smidgen of help for Obama where he needs it most – Afghanistan.

Obama's true believers will love this bauble. But it is everyone else the White House now is worried about, from those crucial swing voters waiting for the president to turn up his doing dial and make reality of lofty rhetoric, to the ferociously conservative noise machine determined to brand the president's every move an act of anti-Americanism.

Those are the votes that will count come next year's midterm elections, which will amount to a de facto referendum on Obama rule. And Europe, and the rest of us, will have no say.

Obama did about the only thing he could yesterday, downplaying the Nobel with I'm-not-worthy aplomb, pledging the $1.4 million windfall to charity.

"To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who've been honoured by this prize,'' Obama said.

"But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women and all Americans want to build, a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents. And I know that throughout history the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honour specific achievement; it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes.

"And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action."

The Norwegian Nobel Committee stunned the world, including the White House, by awarding Obama the peace prize, citing global optimism fostered by his calls for peace and cooperation.

The committee also praised Obama's pledges to reduce the world's cache of nuclear arms, ease American conflicts with Muslim nations and strengthen the U.S. role in combating climate change.

The selection sparked a furious political debate.

Conservative talk show host Rush Limbaugh said the world elites were urging Obama, "to not do the surge in Afghanistan, not take action against Iran and its nuclear program and to basically continue his intentions to emasculate the United States ... They love a weakened, neutered U.S. and this is their way of promoting that concept," he told Politico via email.

The Democratic National Committee responded by saying the Republicans would "put politics above patriotism at every turn."

"The Republican Party has thrown in its lot with the terrorists – the Taliban and Hamas this morning – in criticizing the president for receiving the Nobel Peace Prize," wrote DNC communications director Brad Woodhouse.

Some Washington analysts interpreted the Nobel as a "down payment" on great expectations. But it will also serve to elevate expectations the White House has been working hard to manage downward, given the paucity of results.

From Afghanistan, where the administration's most pressing foreign crisis festers with a series of grim options likely to involve more, not fewer, soldiers, to Jerusalem, where Obama's lead envoy ended his ninth attempt at shuttle-diplomacy Friday empty-handed.

Closer to home, Obama's vow to close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay by January appears now to be wishful thinking.

Only on the question of Iran's nuclear ambitions is Team Obama's determined bid for broader engagement with international allies showing early results. But rapprochement remains fragile and the hardest work is still to come.

Non-Americans wedded to the Obama doctrine of soft power might want to withhold applause for their Nobel cause, mindful that what plays so well in Oslo or Toronto or beyond is a much harder sell stateside. Think of this Nobel as a massive Wall Street bonus for a performance still to come.


'IT'S EXTREMELY WELL DESERVED'

"Some people say, and I understand it, isn't it premature? Too early? Well, I'd say then that it could be too late to respond three years from now. It is now that we have the opportunity to respond – all of us."
–Thorbjoern Jagland, Nobel committee chairman

"The real question Americans are asking is, 'What has President Obama actually accomplished?' It is unfortunate the president's star power has outshined tireless advocates who have made real achievements working towards peace and human rights."
Michael Steele, Republican National Committee chairman

"I think it's extremely well deserved ... I think it will take some time before people put together all the different moves that linked his speech at the UN on the abolishing of nuclear weapons, his shift on the missile defence program in Eastern Europe ... to joining the international consensus that confronted Iran to abide by the non-proliferation treaty."
Former U.S. vice-president Al Gore (above) and 2007 Nobel winner

"Such a prize augments his capacity and reputation around the world, and that will help us accomplish things for all of humanity."
Prime Minister Stephen Harper

"Amazingly enough, the Pulitzer Prize for Literature went to Sarah Palin for her stated intention 'to read a book someday.' "
Richard Cohen, Washington Post